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Home Style Opinions

Eric Swalwell’s Campaign for Governor Is Collapsing

by Daniel Corvell
April 11, 2026
in Opinions, Original
Eric Swalwell
Christian and Conservative news hand-curated the way it’s supposed to be. Stay full-MAGA despite the so-called “civil war” waged by the Islam-loving “woke right”.

There is a particular species of politician who survives Washington not by virtue of accomplishment, but by sheer audacity — the kind of man who, having never really done anything, has never really been held accountable for anything. Eric Swalwell has been that man for thirteen years. On Friday, that career of perpetual unaccountability appears to have met its reckoning.

The San Francisco Chronicle broke the story that a former staffer — a 21-year-old woman when she began working in Swalwell’s district office in 2019 — alleges that the congressman sexually assaulted her twice when she was too intoxicated to consent. The first alleged assault occurred in 2019, when she says she was invited out for drinks by her boss, became so inebriated she cannot remember what happened, and woke the next morning naked in Swalwell’s hotel bed.

Promised Grounds

A second alleged assault occurred in 2024 at a charity gala in New York, years after she had left his employment. The Chronicle reported that its journalists reviewed corroborating text messages she sent to a friend in the days following the 2024 encounter, reviewed her medical records showing visits for STD and pregnancy tests, and interviewed her then-boyfriend, who confirmed she had told him about the assault and urged her to go to the police.

Later the same day, CNN reported that three additional women had come forward with separate sexual misconduct allegations against Swalwell, including accounts of unsolicited nude photos.

By Friday evening, Swalwell’s campaign for California governor was dissolving in real time.

The Collapse

The speed and totality of the political abandonment was remarkable — not, it must be said, because Democrats suddenly discovered moral backbone, but because the math became impossible. Within hours of the Chronicle’s publication, his campaign chairman, Rep. Jimmy Gomez of Los Angeles, resigned his role and called on Swalwell to exit the race. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, Minority Whip Katherine Clark, and Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar issued a joint statement calling on Swalwell to “immediately” end his campaign.

Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi — a longtime Swalwell ally who represents the very district where many of these events allegedly unfolded — called for an investigation and made clear his campaign could not continue. Senator Adam Schiff withdrew his endorsement. Senator Alex Padilla called on Swalwell to step aside. Senator Ruben Gallego, a self-described close friend, withdrew his endorsement and said what he had witnessed was “indefensible.”

The California Teachers Association, which had been among Swalwell’s most prominent union backers, suspended its endorsement. The California Federation of Labor announced it was “acting urgently” to determine next steps. Senior campaign staffers — including a top labor consultant — had already resigned before the story even published, a detail that speaks volumes about what those inside the campaign knew and when they knew it.

Swalwell, for his part, issued the statement one would expect: the allegations are false, they are politically motivated, they come conveniently on the eve of an election. His attorney dispatched a cease-and-desist letter to the accuser, warning of defamation suits if she did not retract her claims. “For nearly 20 years, I have served the public — as a prosecutor and a congressman and have always protected women,” he said.

This is the Swalwell brand in concentrated form: the invocation of service as a shield against scrutiny, the suggestion that the office of congressman is itself a character reference, and the immediate pivot to claiming victimhood at the hands of political enemies.

A Career Built on Performance

It is worth pausing to consider what Eric Swalwell’s congressional career actually consisted of, because the man running for governor of California on the strength of thirteen years in Washington largely distinguished himself through television appearances rather than legislative accomplishment. He was the congressman who went on cable news to accuse Donald Trump of being a Russian agent — “He’s working on behalf of the Russians, yes,” he told MSNBC’s Chris Matthews — while simultaneously having cultivated a relationship with Christine Fang, a suspected operative of China’s Ministry of State Security.

The Fang Fang story, which broke in December 2020, revealed that the suspected Chinese intelligence asset had helped fundraise for Swalwell’s 2014 congressional campaign, helped place an intern inside his Washington office, and maintained a close relationship with him from approximately 2012 through 2015. Swalwell sat on the House Intelligence Committee — the committee with oversight of the CIA — throughout the period when Fang was active in his orbit.

The House Ethics Committee ultimately closed its investigation without making a finding of wrongdoing, and Swalwell was not charged with any crime. But the episode illuminated something essential about the man: here was the loudest voice in Congress accusing his opponents of foreign collusion, a man who had himself been targeted and cultivated by a foreign intelligence operation and who seemed to regard his own cooperation with the FBI as sufficient to end all conversation on the matter.

The irony was noted even by commentators at the center-left American Enterprise Institute, which observed that Swalwell had built his public identity around accusing Trump of the very thing he had himself been entangled in. He pushed on, undaunted, never developing the self-awareness to recognize that credibility, once bargained away in pursuit of partisan celebrity, does not return simply because the accuser changes the subject.

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Add to the Fang Fang affair the subsequent reporting about Swalwell’s use of campaign funds — more than $200,000 in taxpayer and donor money spent on childcare costs, including over $100,000 to a single individual — and the portrait that emerges is of a man who treated the machinery of political power as a personal benefit program while styling himself as a champion of the working California family.

The “Believe Women” Question

No honest account of this story can avoid the political context. Democrats spent much of the last decade constructing and enforcing an ideological framework around sexual misconduct allegations — one premised on the principle that women’s accounts must be believed, that power imbalances between a boss and subordinate make consent inherently fraught, that institutional skepticism of accusers is itself a form of harm. These were the arguments deployed against Brett Kavanaugh, against Clarence Thomas, against virtually any conservative figure who faced such allegations, no matter how remote in time or thin in corroboration.

The former Swalwell staffer’s account is not thin in corroboration. She has text messages. She has medical records. She has witnesses. The Chronicle’s report reflects the kind of sourcing and documentation that, when leveled against a Republican nominee for the Supreme Court, would have generated weeks of saturation coverage and formal demands from Democratic senators for withdrawal. Her own ex-boyfriend encouraged her to go to the police. She demurred, she told the Chronicle, because of his power.

“I never thought anyone would believe me,” she said, “because of how powerful he was.”

This is precisely the dynamic that #MeToo was ostensibly designed to address: the powerful man who operates without fear of accountability because he has cultivated the networks, the endorsements, and the institutional protections that make accusation itself feel futile. One might have expected that a movement built on such premises would be most vigilant about the powerful men within its own coalition — the ones who use progressive rhetoric as camouflage.

Instead, what we observe is the familiar pattern: Democratic allies calling for Swalwell to step aside, yes — but doing so only after the Chronicle’s story made denial untenable, only after the polling math made him a liability, and only after the weeks of social media rumors that preceded the publication had given the party apparatus time to calculate its exposure. Tom Steyer “commended the brave former staffer for speaking out.” Katie Porter called the allegations “horrifying.” Gavin Newsom said through a spokesperson that they were “deeply troubling.” These are the statements of politicians doing damage control, not the expressions of a party that takes seriously the principles it claims to hold.

Advisor Bullion Surge

Where were these voices during the weeks when rumors were circulating on social media and Swalwell’s campaign was issuing preemptive denials? Where were Schiff and Pelosi and Jeffries when the whisper network — which in every such case runs well ahead of formal reporting — was doing its work? The California Democratic Party, which was perfectly positioned to conduct a quiet inquiry when the rumors first surfaced, instead waited for a newspaper to do its work.

What California Deserves

The Swalwell campaign had been built on a proposition that, in retrospect, was always dubious: that a man with a Chinese intelligence entanglement on his record, a history of wild public accusations he could not substantiate, and a facility for self-promotion that vastly exceeded his legislative accomplishments, was the man to lead the most populous state in the union. He had polled well in a crowded field not because California Democrats found him especially impressive, but because his national television profile gave him name recognition that more substantive figures lacked.

Republican Steve Hilton, the former Fox News host, put the political stakes plainly. “It’s incredible to me that Eric Swalwell thought he could run for Governor of California while all this was going on,” Hilton said. “It shows the complete contempt these career politicians have for the public.”

This is, for once, an observation that requires no partisan translation. A man who knew what he had done — or, in the most charitable construction, knew the extent of his exposure — declared himself the frontrunner for governor of California and attacked anyone who raised questions as a MAGA operative.

The Proverbs observe that “pride goeth before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall” (Proverbs 16:18). The verse is ancient, but its observation of human nature is precise. Eric Swalwell conducted himself for years as though the rules that apply to ordinary men — about power, about accountability, about the weight that accrues to the office one holds when dealing with someone who depends on that office for their livelihood — simply did not apply to him. He was a congressman. He served the public. He always protected women. The incantation of service was supposed to settle the matter.

It didn’t settle it for the young woman who woke up in his hotel room. It didn’t settle it for the three additional women CNN spoke with. And it should not settle it now, for the voters and institutions that are only now, belatedly, performing the scrutiny they owed the public from the beginning.

The California governor’s race will go on. Whether Swalwell has the audacity to remain in it — and given his track record, audacity is not a quality he lacks — is secondary. The more important question is what this episode reveals about how California’s Democratic establishment evaluates the men it elevates: not by character, not by conduct, but by television presence, institutional loyalty, and the willingness to perform the correct opinions on demand.

That is not a governing philosophy. It is a protection racket. And on Friday, one of its more prominent beneficiaries was finally made to answer for it.

Pro-MAGA. Pro-Trump. Pro-America. Pro-Family. Most importantly, Pro-Jesus. Here’s the news aggregator that delivers what America needs right now: jdrucker.com





Two Storms, One Harvest

Empty Shelves

Every food crisis in living memory has been a one-shock event. The 2008 price spike was a commodity bubble. The 2020 shortages were a logistics failure. The 2022 grain scare was a war on one exporter’s ports. Each time, the system bent, adjusted, and recovered, and each time the experts assured us afterward that global markets are simply too big and too diversified to fail.

What nobody in Washington seems eager to discuss is that 2026 is shaping up to be something the modern food system has never actually faced. Two independent shocks, one climatic and one geopolitical, are converging on the same harvest cycle at the same time. Not sequentially. Simultaneously.

Start with the weather. The Pacific Ocean is currently building toward what forecasters now openly call a record event. NOAA’s Climate Prediction Center puts the odds of at least a strong El Niño near 88 percent, with roughly two in three odds it reaches “very strong” status, the tier reserved for perhaps three or four events in the entire satellite era. Every major global model now projects a median peak in Super El Niño territory, and most of them project it exceeding the 2015-16 event, which until now held the modern record. Sea surface anomalies were already brushing the super threshold in mid-July, months before these events normally peak. The atmosphere has already shifted into El Niño mode, and the event is forecast to crest in late fall and early winter.

This is not about “climate change.” It’s about the standard cycles of weather, and the cycle we’re currently in is one that has likely devastated societies in the past. We’re better prepared as a society today, but not all Americans are equally prepared.

Serious households have started doing the quiet math on their own. Grocery bills tell part of the story, and the forecast maps tell the rest, which is why long-term food storage has moved from fringe hobby to mainstream line item in the family budget, with established suppliers like Heaven’s Harvest seeing demand from people who five years ago would have rolled their eyes at the idea. That instinct is not paranoia. It is pattern recognition, and the pattern is worth walking through carefully.

Editor’s Note: Heaven’s Harvest IS a sponsor, but the warnings of this article are real and would be written even if we didn’t have a survival food sponsor. With that said, those who take advantage of what they offer can use promo code “Patriot” for 15% off.

The Fertilizer Clock Is Already Running

While the Pacific warms, the second shock has been unfolding in the Strait of Hormuz. The conflict with Iran turned the world’s most important energy chokepoint into a contested waterway, and the consequences reach far beyond the gas pump. Roughly a third of global fertilizer trade moves through Hormuz, and the disruption sent urea prices up 86 percent year over year by March, with a 53 percent jump in a single month.

The World Bank projects energy prices rising about 24 percent in 2026 and fertilizer about 31 percent. By its own accounting, fertilizer prices ran 35 percent higher in the first five months of this year than the same period last year.

Here is the mechanism the nightly news will not explain. Fertilizer is not a grocery item. It is a time-delayed input. The nitrogen a farmer in Iowa or Punjab could not afford to apply this spring does not show up as a problem this spring. It shows up as a thinner harvest six to twelve months later.

The World Bank’s own food security brief concedes that the effects of reduced applications earlier this season “are likely to become visible only later in harvest outcomes.” Translate that from institutional language into plain English and it means this. The damage is already done, it is already in the ground, and we are simply waiting for it to arrive on the shelf.

Now check the calendar. Six to twelve months from the spring planting season lands us squarely in late 2026 and early 2027. Which is precisely when the strongest El Niño in the instrumental record is forecast to peak, bringing its signature droughts to Southeast Asia, Australia, southern Africa, northern Brazil, and South Asia, the very regions that grow the world’s rice, sugar, and oilseeds.

The World Bank warns openly that a strong El Niño “could disrupt multiple crop belts simultaneously” on top of the conflict-driven input costs. Their baseline projection assumes the Middle East disruptions ease by autumn. What in the last two years of Middle East history suggests that assumption is safe?

The System Has No Slack Left

The comfortable answer is that global markets always adjust. But adjustment requires slack, and the slack is gone. Global cereal production is expected to decline from last year’s records even before El Niño does its work. The UN World Food Programme, hardly a den of right-wing preppers, is calling this the most significant disruption to its supply chains since Covid and the invasion of Ukraine, and its supply chain director put the stakes bluntly.

Today’s supply chain challenges are tomorrow’s hunger crisis.

There is also a political dimension that markets cannot price. When food gets scarce, governments do not behave like economists. They behave like politicians. Export bans, hoarding mandates, and panic buying at the national level turned the modest rice shortfall of 2008 into a global crisis, and analysts are already warning that import-dependent nations are the first dominoes.

The 2015-16 Super El Niño, a far weaker event than what is now forecast, threw tens of millions into food stress across Africa and Asia. This one is projected to be stronger, and it arrives with fertilizer already rationed by price and shipping lanes already contested by missiles.

What Joseph Knew

Scripture does not treat preparation for lean years as faithlessness. It treats it as wisdom delivered in advance to those willing to act on it.

Behold, there come seven years of great plenty throughout all the land of Egypt: And there shall arise after them seven years of famine; and all the plenty shall be forgotten in the land of Egypt.

Joseph did not respond to that warning with a hashtag or a committee. He stored grain during the years of abundance, and when the famine came, Egypt stood while its neighbors begged. The lesson is not that famine is certain. It is that the time to prepare is precisely when preparation still looks optional.

Nobody who filled a pantry in a year of plenty has ever regretted it, and nobody standing in an empty aisle has ever been glad he waited for certainty.

None of this calls for panic, and panic is the enemy of sound judgment anyway. It calls for the same unglamorous prudence our grandparents considered ordinary. Keep some cash margin, know your local growers, and put real food in deep storage while it is cheap and available, because the entire arc of this story is that cheap and available is a closing window.

Families looking for a straightforward place to start can visit Heaven’s Harvest and use promo code Patriot for 15 percent off long-term storable food. The forecasts may yet soften, the strait may yet reopen, and we should pray they do. But hope is a fine thing to hold and a foolish thing to eat.

Tags: CaliforniaCrimeElection 2026Eric SwalwellLedeStickyTop Story
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